Technology & Innovations


From the Famous New Scientist Magazine

It might be the Chinese year of the tiger, but scientifically, 2010 is looking like Iran’s year.

Scientific output has grown 11 times faster in Iran than the world average, faster than any other country. A survey of the number of scientific publications listed in the Web of Science database shows that growth in the Middle East – mostly in Turkey and Iran – is nearly four times faster than the world average.

Science-Metrix, a data-analysis company in Montreal, Canada, has published a detailed report (PDF) on “geopolitical shifts in knowledge creation” since 1980. “Asia is catching up even more rapidly than previously thought, Europe is holding its position more than most would expect, and the Middle East is a region to watch,” says the report’s author, Eric Archambault.

World scientific output grew steadily, from 450,000 papers a year in 1980 to 1,500,000 in 2009. Asia as a whole surpassed North America last year.

Nuclear, nuclear, nuclear

Archambaut notes that Iran’s publications have emphasised inorganic and nuclear chemistry, nuclear and particle physics and nuclear engineering. Publications in nuclear engineering grew 250 times faster than the world average – although medical and agricultural research also increased.

Science-Metrix also predicts that this year, China will publish as many peer-reviewed papers in natural sciences and engineering as the US. If current trends continue, by 2015 China will match the US across all disciplines – although the US may publish more in the life and social sciences until 2030.

China’s prominence in world science is known to have been growing, but Science-Metrix has discovered that its output of peer-reviewed papers has been growing more than five times faster than that of the US.

Euro-puddings

Meanwhile, “European attitudes towards collaboration are bearing fruit”, writes Archambaut. While Asia’s growth in output was mirrored by North America’s fall, Europe, which invests heavily in cross-border scientific collaboration, held its own, and now produces over a third of the world’s science, the largest regional share. Asia produces 29 per cent and North America 28 per cent.

Scientific output fell in the former Soviet Union after its collapse in 1991 and only began to recover in 2006. Latin America and the Caribbean together grew fastest of any region, although its share of world science is still small. Growth in Oceania, Europe and Africa has stayed at about the same rate over the past 30 years. Only North American scientific output has grown “considerably slower” than the world as a whole.

“The number of papers is a first-order metric that doesn’t capture quality,” admits Archambaut. There are measures for quality, such as the number of times papers are cited, and “Asian science does tend to be less cited overall”.

But dismissing the Asian surge on this basis is risky, he feels. “In the 1960s, when Japanese cars started entering the US market, US manufacturers dismissed their advance based on their quality” – but then lost a massive market share to Japan. The important message, he says, is that “Asia is becoming the world leader in science, with North America progressively left behind”.

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Tuesday, 28 September 2010 12:11 Ayatollah Nasir Makarem ShiraziAyatollah Nasir Makarem ShiraziAyatollah Nasir Makarem Shirazi

One of the many objections levied against Islam is in reference to the system of crime and punishment in the Shari’ah. How are Islamic punishments and penal laws compatible with clemency and benevolence? Is it not considered violence to give one hundred lashes to one who has committed a sin? Is it compatible with Islamic benevolence to stone a person who has lost his/her chastity as a result of domination of sensual desire? Is cutting the hands and feet of thieves in accordance with religious clemency? Are severe and harsh punishments not considered to be a sort of violence?

There are subtle points in the “penal laws and punishments” which help us in replying to these questions. Studying these points, it is clear that penal laws and punishments too are another branch of Islamic clemency and benevolence, although they may at first seem violent to some.

Philosophy of Punishments

There are narrations about the philosophy of the execution of penal laws and punishments, clarifying our insight into these Islamic rulings. Consider the following two samples:

The Prophet of Islam (peace be upon him and his progeny) says, “Execution of any penal law or punishment is better than forty days of rainfall.” (Wasail al-Shia)

As is apparent in this prophetic narration, penal laws and punishments are compared to the rain, and execution of any law (no matter how minor it seems) is better than forty days of rainfall. The narration implies that just as rain is a mercy of God, and He sends it down for the people of earth, divine penal laws too are a sort of divine blessing. In fact, execution of Islamic punishments washes away the society like rain, and purifies it from pollution.

If one were to disturb the public security in society, and violate people’s soul, wealth and honor so that a part of society is threatened, he would be an outlaw – and outlawing the guilty will bring about more security in society. It washes away terror, fear and insecurity from the society like rain. Those who produce and distribute narcotics in an Islamic society – thus destroying the youth through this great crime and corrupting the country for achieving their own personal interests and profits – shall be punished for corruption on the earth.

We believe that such individuals and groups are liable to Islamic punishments. If they are not punished, God will not leave them and they will be involved in the consequences and adversities caused by their corrupt activities.

Commenting on verse 17 of Chapter 23 in the Qur’an, Imam Musa al-Kadhim (peace be upon him) says, “It does not simply imply that He revives the dry lands with bountiful rain. Rather, it implies that He appoints (great, sincere and ambitious) men for reviving justice in the world, and revives land as a result of revival of justice. Undoubtedly, execution of penal laws and punishments on the earth is more beneficial than forty days of rainfall.” (Ibid.)

As you can see, there is no trace of revenge, violence and any type of negativity in the traditions explaining the philosophy of penal laws. Rather, they are concerned with affection, clemency and the spread of justice in society.

Proving the Applicability of Punishments

Studying the ways of proving the applicability of penal laws displays other examples of Islamic clemency and benevolence.

The applicability of many penal laws is strengthened with four witnesses or four times of confession. That is to say, for application of penal law for adultery, four just men shall testify that they have seen a man or woman while committing adultery.

Is that even possible? We have not found even one case in the narrations and historical books where adultery is proved with the testimony of witnesses for the applicability of penal law. This way is practically impossible, and therefore this is a sort of Islamic clemency for such sinners.

There are numerous conditions in the case of the other way when the sinner confesses. For instance, he/she shall confess four times and each confession shall be in a different place – and even if one confesses four times in one place, it is counted as one time! (Ibid.) Moreover, if the sinner repents with the Islamic judge before the conviction, it is difficult to execute penal law for him or her. (Ibid.)

These points are mentioned in numerous narrations, one of which is referred to hereunder to see the Islamic benevolence and clemency of the real successor of Prophet (s.a.), extended to the sinner who had referred to him willingly for judgment:

An adulteress came to Imam Ali (peace be upon him) and asked him to purify her with execution of penal law for adultery, because the worldly chastisement is easier than the permanent and continuous punishment in the other world! The Imam told her to leave and to return after delivery has purified her. The lady went and later came back after childbirth, repeating her request. The Imam asked several questions from her (hoping to dissuade her and make her hesitate in what she says). He then told her to breastfeed her child, and then after infancy to come to be purified. The lady returned after two years and again repeated her request. Again the Imam asked several questions and the lady replied. Finally, the Imam told her to take care of her child so that the child could protect himself against the daily dangers. After that, she should return to be purified. The lady came back weeping. (Ibid.)

As you can see, it is not easy to prove guilt liable to penal law, and it is not possible to prove it as far as the sinner does not want execution of the penal law. This is an indication of Islamic benevolence.

If Islam was the religion of violence, would it be so fastidious in seeking the conviction of a sin?

Execution of Punishment

Even if the applicability of a penal law is proved and the Islamic judge decides to execute it, there are rules and instructions for how to do it. These rules are further indications of Islamic clemency and benevolence.

  1. The penalty of lashing shall not be executed at the beginning and end of the day in winter because the lash hurts the sinner too much at those times. Rather, it shall be executed in the middle of day when it is warmer.
  2. Contrarily, it shall not be done in the middle of day in summer, when it is too warm. Rather, it shall be done at the end of day (Ibid).
  3. The sinner shall not lie down when being lashed. Rather, he/she shall be sitting or standing, because the lash strokes are slower in this condition and the sinner feels less pain (Ibid).
  4. If the sinner is sick, execution of the penal law shall be postponed until recovery (Ibid).
  5. If she is pregnant, it shall be deferred until delivery (Ibid).

There are some other rules (32) which all indicate Islamic clemency even for a sinner (the details of which could be found in the books of jurisprudence).

Considering the above three points (the philosophy of penal laws, ways for proving the applicability of penal laws and punishments, and the rules for execution of penal laws and punishments), as well as reflecting upon the subtle points will compel any fair and impartial man to confess that Islamic clemency and benevolence exists even in the seemingly violent penal laws and punishments. On this account, execution of Islamic punishments is accompanied with so many blessings for society that its blessings exceed the blessings of forty successive days of rainfall!

Editor’s Note: This article is an except from the author’s book The Religion of Mercy, available online.

Author of this article: Ayatollah Nasir Makarem Shirazi

http://www.newsweek.com/2008/08/08/the-star-students-of-the-islamic-republic.html

The Star Students Of The Islamic Republic

Forget Harvard—one of the world’s best undergraduate colleges is in Iran.

In 2003, administrators at Stanford University’s Electrical Engineering Department were startled when a group of foreign students aced the notoriously difficult Ph.D. entrance exam, getting some of the highest scores ever. That the whiz kids weren’t American wasn’t odd; students from Asia and elsewhere excel in U.S. programs. The surprising thing, say Stanford administrators, is that the majority came from one country and one school: Sharif University of Science and Technology in Iran.

Stanford has become a favorite destination of Sharif grads. Bruce A. Wooley, a former chair of the Electrical Engineering Department, has said that’s because Sharif now has one of the best undergraduate electrical-engineering programs in the world. That’s no small praise given its competition: MIT, Caltech and Stanford in the United States, Tsinghua in China and Cambridge in Britain.

Sharif’s reputation highlights how while Iran makes headlines for President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s incendiary remarks and its nuclear showdown with the United States, Iranian students are developing an international reputation as science superstars. Stanford’s administrators aren’t the only ones to notice. Universities across Canada and Australia, where visa restrictions are lower, report a big boom in the Iranian recruits; Canada has seen its total number of Iranian students grow 240 percent since 1985, while Australian press reports point to a fivefold increase over the past five years, to nearly 1,500.

Iranian students from Sharif and other top schools, such as the University of Tehran and the Isfahan University of Technology, have also become major players in the international Science Olympics, taking home trophies in physics, mathematics, chemistry and robotics. As a testament to this newfound success, the Iranian city of Isfahan recently hosted the International Physics Olympiad—an honor no other Middle Eastern country has enjoyed. That’s because none of Iran’s neighbors can match the quality of its scholars.

Never far behind, Western tech companies have also started snatching them up. Silicon Valley companies from Google to Yahoo now employ hundreds of Iranian grads, as do research institutes throughout the West. Olympiad winners are especially attractive; according to the Iranian press, up to 90 percent of them now leave the country for graduate school or work abroad.

So what explains Iran’s record, and that of Sharif in particular? The country suffers from many serious ills, such as chronic inflation, stagnant wages and an anemic private sector, thanks to poor economic management and a weak regulatory environment. University professors barely make ends meet—the pay is so bad some must even take second jobs as taxi drivers or petty traders. International sanctions also make life difficult, delaying the importation of scientific equipment, for example, and increasing isolation. Until recently, Iranians were banned from publishing in the journals of the Institute for Electrical and Electronics Engineers (IEEE), the industry’s key international professional association. They also face the indignity of often having their visa applications refused when they try to attend conferences in the West.

Yet Sharif and its ilk continue to thrive. Part of the explanation, says Mohammad Mansouri, a Sharif grad (’97) who’s now a professor in New York, lies in the tendency of Iranian parents to push their kids into medicine or engineering as opposed to other fields, like law. Sharif also has an extremely rigorous selection process. Every year some 1.5 million Iranian high-school students take college-entrance exams. Of those, only about 10 percent make it to the prestigious state schools, with the top 1 percent generally choosing science and finding their way to top spots such as Sharif. “The selection process [gives] universities like Sharif the smartest, most motivated and hardworking students” in the country, Mansouri says.

Sharif also boasts an excellent faculty. The university was founded in 1965 by the shah, who wanted to build a topnotch science and technology institute. The school was set up under the guidance of MIT advisers, and many of the current faculty studied in the United States (during the shah’s era, Iranians made up the largest group of foreign students at U.S. schools, according to the Institute of International Education). Another secret of Sharif’s success is Iran’s high-school system, which places a premium on science and exposes students to subjects Americans don’t encounter until college. This tradition of advanced studies extends into undergraduate programs, with Mansouri and others saying they were taught subjects in college that U.S. schools provide only to grad students.

Several Sharif alumni point to one other powerful motivator. “When you live in Iran and you see all the frustrations of daily life, you dream of leaving the country, and your books and studies become a ticket to a better life,” says one who asked not to be identified. “It becomes more than just studying,” he says. “It becomes an obsession, where you wake up at 4 a.m. just to get in a few more hours before class.”

Iran’s success, in other words, is also the country’s tragedy: students want nothing more than to get away the moment they graduate. That’s a boon for foreign universities and tech firms but a serious source of brain drain for the Islamic republic. There simply are not enough quality jobs for graduates in Iran, says Ramin Farjad Rad, another Sharif grad (’97) who’s now an executive at Aquantia in Silicon Valley. What’s worse, star students who stay in Iran and try to launch businesses complain that predatory government officials demand a cut of their profits or impose unnecessary obstacles. Thus many Iranians who can’t make it to the West head to Dubai instead. As one Sharif grad in the Persian Gulf port city puts it, “Here, our education is properly valued. We are given freedom to succeed. In Iran, we are blocked.”

Such frustrations augur ill for Iran’s future. True, it’s produced a startling number of top students in recent years. And the country’s history is rich with achievement, featuring Avicenna (also known as Ibn Sina), the medieval world’s greatest scientist; Muhammad al-Khwarizmi, the ninth-century inventor of the mathematical algorithm (the basis of computer science), and Omar Khayyam, the famed mathematician and astronomer. That’s a fine legacy. But unless the Islamic republic changes directions soon, all of that history and potential could be squandered.

Early Islamic Medicine

by Jonathan Lyons

When the Western European army of the cross brought the First Crusade to the Holy Land in 1096, the Arabs of the Near East were less impressed by the army’s religious zeal than they were appalled by its stench. The disease-ridden body of the Christian host included true believers and righteous folk but also, according to the report of the medieval chronicler Albert of Aix in his Historia Hierosolymita, “adulterers, homicides, thieves, perjurers, and robbers.” Few had any learning at all. Ignorant of even the rudiments of science, mathematics, medicine, philosophy, and sanitation, they knew nothing of the workings of that prince of medieval scientific devices, the astrolabe, which captured the movements of the three-dimensional universe on its bronze faceplate; as a result, they could not even date their most important religious holiday, Easter, nor accurately tell the time of day.
Celestial phenomena—shooting stars, ball lightning, an eclipse of the sun—terrified them. Their forebears had long since lost the ability to read Greek, thus breaking off intellectual relations with the learning of antiquity. Education had all but collapsed, save for a handful of cathedral schools clinging to innovations introduced three hundred years earlier under Charlemagne. The scholar-monks at the West’s leading center of mathematical studies, the cathedral school of Laon, had no grasp of the meaning or use of zero.
Among the greatest affront to Arab sensibilities was the Crusaders’ complete disregard for personal hygiene. Their most noble knights boasted of bathing no more than four times a year; their diet consisted largely of monotonous rations of gruel and whatever else they could forage en route; medical care frequently involved exorcism or the amputation of afflicted limbs. When the Black Death struck Europe in the mid-fourteenth century, it unleashed social chaos. With no real notion of contagion or hygiene, one-third of the population died without knowing why. The mass casualties induced a frenzy of violence, typified by the burning of Jews suspected of having induced the disease through witchcraft.
The Book of Instruction, an informative memoir by the Syrian princeling Usama ibn Munqidh, who came to know the Crusaders in battle and in repose, records two instances in which a local physician’s sound advice was ignored in favor of Christian methodologies. In the first, the Franks simply lopped off a knight’s mildly infected leg with an axe; in the second, they carved a cross into an ill woman’s skull before rubbing it with salt. Both patients died on the spot, at which point the Arab doctor asked, “‘Do you need anything else from me?’ ‘No,’ they said. And so I left, having learned about their medicine things I had never known before.”
For six centuries the authoritative works of St. Augustine of Hippo had directed the Christian faithful to see only God’s mystery in an otherwise unknowable world. Upon his conversion to Christianity in 387, Augustine set aside his once-lively interest in art and science (“Certainly the theaters no longer attract me, nor do I care to know the course of the stars.”) and replaced it with superstition. Everyday existence was shrouded in allegorical meaning, while natural phenomena were seen—if they were seen at all—in the context of moralizing tales. The medieval bestiaries were designed to edify humans by showing them that stags, lions, birds, even rocks, were all proof of God’s wisdom and mercy and which, if properly studied, offered man a guide to Christian behavior.
Disease was viewed as divine punishment for the sins of man, rather than as a condition to be addressed or ameliorated through human intervention. The few tentative efforts to adopt the technological novelties starting to trickle in slowly from the Arab world, among them the water clock that Caliph Harun al-Rashid sent as a gift to Charlemagne in 801, were either dismissed as curiosities or condemned as Black Magic. As far as medieval Christians were concerned, God was the sole determinant force in their daily lives; there was no reason, then, to explore the nature of things—and thus, no science.
In marked contrast, the Muslims put a premium on cleanliness and dietary regime. The ritual cleansing of the body precedes each of the five daily prayers, a requirement that sparked the development of sophisticated public-water projects and ingenious engineering techniques. Religious law proscribed a number of unhealthy practices, including the consumption of alcohol, while a large collection of sayings and practices ascribed to the Prophet Muhammad, later collated as the tibb al-Nabi, or The Medicine of the Prophet, provided a general blueprint for healthy living and abstemious behavior.
By the time the First Crusade arrived in the Near East in 1096, Usama ibn Munqidh and his fellow Muslims were heirs to an Islamic civilization, built up first by the Umayyad Dynasty and then by the Abbasids in the centuries after the death of the Prophet in 632. The second Abbasid caliph, al-Mansur, relied on the advice of his royal astrologers when he began work on his new capital, Baghdad, on July 30, 762. An avid follower of the geometry of Euclid, al-Mansur oversaw the creation of a fortified Round City that would put his palace at the symbolic center of an empire radiating outward in all directions. By then, the lands under the formal dominion of the Abbasids stretched from the Atlantic to what is now Afghanistan.
Over the course of 150 years, the Arabs translated all available Greek books of science and philosophy, and Arabic supplanted Greek as the language of intellectual inquiry. Materials in the royal Persian archives together with Sanskrit manuscripts, and the Greek traditions, were assimilated and then enhanced to create a remarkable body of knowledge that can rightfully be called Arab Science. Much of this work was carried out in Baghdad at the Bayt al-Hikma, the House of Wisdom, which eventually comprised a library and an academy of scholars from across the empire. These experts also staffed the caliph’s observatory and took part in scientific experiments at his behest.
Higher education became increasingly organized from the early-ninth century, and major Muslim cities routinely featured some type of university. Another prominent Muslim educational institution was the teaching hospital, the first built in Damascus in 707. Others were subsequently established in the great Muslim cities of Baghdad, Cairo, and Cordoba. A system of medical education evolved that integrated study in the mosque with practice in the hospital. Students were required to follow a basic course of instruction: the theoretical and epistemological aspects of natural philosophy taught in the mosque; the diagnosis of fevers, the dispensing of drugs, the setting of bones, and the treatment of cataracts, learned in the wards. Completion of medical training required a dissertation and concluded with a diploma that permitted the new physician to practice.
This close affiliation of mosque and hospital is of fundamental importance to Islamic medicine and to the Islamic scientific tradition in general. Muhammad himself put great emphasis on the pursuit of knowledge, famously declaring, “Seek for science, even in China.” He celebrated scholars as the true “heirs to the prophets,” observing that “There is a remedy for every malady, and when the remedy is applied to the disease it is cured with the permission of Almighty God.”
If Islamic medicine is closely bound up with the principles of the faith, so too is it tied directly to the other sciences, to philosophy, and to the notion that knowledge is legitimate so long as it remains within the framework of the Muslim worldview as indicated in the Qur’an. The Arab philosophers devoted enormous attention to the classification of the sciences, locating both speculative and practical science within the broader spectrum of wisdom. Among the most important of these works in both East and West was that of the tenth-century thinker al-Farabi, translated into Latin as De Scientiis and widely read for centuries.
All aspects of Islamic thought rely on the relationship symbolized by the traditional figure of the hakim, or sage, who combines medical skill with intimate knowledge of the other sciences, natural philosophy, and metaphysics. The leading Arab philosophers–Avicenna, Averroës, and Maimonides–were all great physicians. The latter, a Jew who wrote his philosophical works in Arabic, served as personal doctor to Saladin, the chivalrous twelfth-century rival of Richard the Lionheart. The close links between Muslim science and philosophy also make nonsense of the notion, transposed from the medieval Western experience, that Islam and science were inevitable adversaries and that the eventual decline of the Muslim scientific tradition stemmed directly from religious persecution.
The genius of the medieval Arabs lay in their extraordinary receptivity to new ideas, that is, in their ability to fit the discoveries of foreign cultures into their own practical, intellectual, and religious demands. Islamic medicine thus combines the humoral approach of Galen and Hippocrates with the practices of Persians, Hindus, and the pre-Islamic Arabs in order to fulfill Islamic injunctions to heal the sick and comfort the ill. Muslim physicians pursued the study of human anatomy, whose wonders only strengthened their conviction in God’s infinite wisdom and power. Muslim doctors subscribed to the Hippocratic Oath, and the traditions of their art stressed that the true physician, like the true philosopher, must be pious and upright. A twelfth-century Persian treatise on the skilled professions notes, “The physician should be of tender disposition and wise nature, excelling in acumen, this being a nimbleness of mind in forming correct views, that is to say, a rapid transition to the unknown from the known.”
Religion, ethics, and science all came together to produce one of the most fruitful eras in the history of medicine. Islam’s emphasis on social well-being fostered significant advances in public health–the creation of vast urban hospital complexes, as well as intricate systems of sanitation, public baths, and fresh-water supplies. Changes in diet and regimen were the preferred path to restored health, and Muslim physicians were skilled observers and diagnosticians who relied heavily on listening to the pulse or analyzing the color of urine. They were the first to have diagnosed smallpox, measles, and hemophilia. Pharmacology and even advanced surgical techniques, many to treat eye ailments, were also developed in the event that less invasive techniques proved inadequate. Among the innovations in medical technology were the development of the vaginal speculum and forceps, the use of animal gut in sutures, the use of cotton to dress wounds, and even a “concealed” surgical knife to allay patients’ anxieties as long as possible.
The task of synthesizing the various systems of thought into a grand theory of medicine was the work of Avicenna, the Persian polymath known among the Muslims as Ibn Sina. The result is his monumental Canon of Medicine, written in the eleventh century and comprising five sections: general medical principles; the Materia medica, a compendium of simple drugs; diagnosis and treatment of localized diseases; diagnosis and treatment of diseases of the entire body, such as fever; and the use of compound drugs, liniments, and other substances. Avicenna opens the text with an assertion of the logic of God’s universe: “In the first place we render thanks to God, for the very excellence of the order of His creation.” He then defines medicine as “the art whereby health is conserved and the art whereby it is restored, after being lost.” The Canon was later translated into Latin and printed and reprinted in the West well into the seventeenth century, remaining to this day a central resource for practitioners of traditional Islamic medicine. Given its long history as the standard medical-school textbook, it is fitting that Avicenna specifically addresses those students who may struggle to master its theoretical elements. “Every follower of my teachings who wishes to use them profitably should memorize most of this work, even through he may not quite understand it all.”
For Avicenna and his fellow hakims, disease is not the result of germs or viruses—as it is in modern biomedicine—but rather stems from the loss of the unique balance of the four humors of the patient’s body and their associated and interrelated pair states—blood (hot/moist), phlegm (cold/moist), yellow bile (hot/dry), and black bile (cold/dry). The task of the hakim is to discern this proper balance, taking into account such factors as age, gender, season of the year, and then to help the body reattain it through therapies as varied as massage, movement and exercise, changes to diet and patterns of rest, and the use of medicinal herbs and other drugs. The Canon of Medicine, for example, recommends that elderly patients, who may suffer from the cold and dry effects of an excess of black bile, consume ginger “in sufficient amount to be warming without being desiccative.” The proper state of balance among the humors, then, is what we commonly call “health.”
Meanwhile, the so-called Hermetic tradition, with its integration of astrology, alchemy, and numerology, stressed the relationship between man’s physical body and the orderly universe in which he has been placed. Muslim physicians routinely consulted the stars to identify the best time to draw blood or perform surgery, matching parts of a patient’s body with an astrological map of the heavens. In this system, Aries was associated with the head, continuing down the body and around the signs of the zodiac until Pisces corresponded to the feet. Likewise, the seven cervical vertebrae found in man correlate to the seven visible planets of the medieval world: the Sun, the Moon, Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn. The human being becomes part and parcel of an intelligible and hierarchical cosmic order aligned with Islam’s emphasis on equilibrium among man, his soul, and the universe.
Avicenna also stressed the important role of psychology in restoring a healthy balance to the body. He wrote widely on the interior life of man, on the workings of the human eye, and on the notion of the soul and on metaphysics in general—works that exercised profound influence on medieval Christian thought. His comprehensive writings on such topics were first rendered into Latin in then-Muslim Spain no later than 1166, but, as with other translations of major Arabic texts, it took considerable time before their full impact was felt. More than one hundred extant Latin manuscripts of his philosophical treatises were copied after 1250.
These translations introduced the West to, among other things, the Arabs’ innovative understanding of light and vision. For the ancient Greeks, dating back first to Empedocles and then to Plato, the eye sent forth rays of light that illuminate the objects we see. This view had taken firm root in medieval Europe until the full arrival of Arab science in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Avicenna and his Arab colleagues, particularly Ibn al-Haytham, recognized that light entered the passive eye from the world around it–a view that would introduce a scientific and metaphysical revolution at the hands of the scholastic thinkers like Robert Grosseteste, who died in the mid-thirteenth century, and his younger colleague, Roger Bacon.
Avicenna’s brilliant trajectory as a physician and philosopher captures the essential interconnection in Islamic thought between science and metaphysics and by extension between science and religion. Many of the Muslim world’s prominent scientists were also men of religious learning; one of the greatest Arab astronomers and a leading critic of the prevailing Greek models of the universe was also timekeeper at the central Damascus mosque. But Avicenna’s legacy also offers a useful glimpse of the oft-forgotten pathways by which such knowledge began to make its way to the West, where he was once recognized as the preeminent authority on the natural philosophy of Aristotle, particularly on the notoriously opaque Metaphysics.
The teachings of Avicenna on the soul, and on psychology in general, also entered Western tradition through his voluminous studies of biology. Michael Scot, the court physician to Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II, translated Avicenna’s On Animals into Latin in the thirteenth century and absorbed the philosopher’s views into the context of his own medical work. He freely adopted Avicenna’s ideas on the sensory faculties, the distinction between perception and motion, and the difference between man’s practical and contemplative intellects. The Canon of Medicine also kept many of these same notions alive for centuries in European universities.
The rise of biomedicine in the West has left us with few traces of the Islamic tradition. However, it remains a living art in Pakistan, Egypt, other Muslim countries, and India where practitioners are still known as hakims. In India, traditional Islamic medicine receives considerable backing from the public-health authorities as an alternative to more costly, Western-style biomedicine. The broader notion of Islamic science, however—one grounded in the Islamic intellectual tradition and its theory of knowledge and its practice of scholarship—is now only spoken about in the past tense, the way one might speak of Hindu astronomy or Chinese mathematics.
But even a cursory reading of Muslim medical achievements—say, of Ibn al-Nafis’ discovery of the pulmonary circulation of the blood, centuries before Harvey, or of Avicenna’s groundbreaking understanding of optics—should remind us of the Western debt to Islamic science. Our broader technical language—from azimuth to zenith, from algebra to zero—the popularization of common foodstuffs—apricots, artichokes, hard wheat—and our trade and nautical lexicon—monsoon, admiral, tariff, duane—have all been enriched beyond measure by Arab and Muslim culture. Even more important than any one discovery from the Islamic tradition, the Arab hakims provided a far more fundamental contribution that we today take for granted as quintessentially Western, that notion that science can grant man power over nature without infringing on God’s sovereignty. Without this, Western civilization would be literally unthinkable.
Yet, this debt seems destined to go unrecognized and unrepaid. Following in the footsteps of the Renaissance humanists who wrote the Arabs out of our intellectual histories, we prefer instead to trace our cultural bloodlines to an idealized Classical Age rooted in Greece and Rome. Such a strategy is in keeping with today’s conventional wisdom that we are somehow locked in an inevitable clash of civilizations with the alien and immutable world of Islam. Such a view may prove comforting at times of crisis, but it represents both bad history and bad science.

Fantastic video on the progression of information technology, researched by Karl Fisch, Scott McLeod, and Jeff Brenman, remixed

By Maggie Shiels - Technology reporter, BBC News, Silicon Valley

Chrome logo

Google is developing an operating system (OS) for personal computers, in a direct challenge to market leader Microsoft and its Windows system.

Google Chrome OS will be aimed initially at small, low-cost netbooks, but will eventually be used on PCs as well.

Google said netbooks with Chrome OS could be on sale by the middle of 2010.

“Speed, simplicity and security are the key aspects of Google Chrome OS,” the firm said in its official blog.

The operating system, which will run on an open source licence, was a “natural extension” of its Chrome browser, the firm said.

The news comes just months before Microsoft launches the latest version of its operating system, called Windows 7.

‘Back to basics’

“We’re designing the OS to be fast and lightweight, to start up and get you on to the web in a few seconds,” said the blog post written by Sundar Pichai, vice-president of product management, and Google’s engineering director Linus Upson.

So at long last Google is making its move. It is poised to strike at the heart of Microsoft’s software empire.
Tim Weber, Business editor, BBC News website

Both men said that “the operating systems that browsers run on were designed in an era where there was no web” and that this OS was “our attempt to rethink what operating systems should be”.

To that end, the search giant said the new OS would go back to basics.

“We are completely redesigning the underlying security architecture of the OS so that users don’t have to deal with viruses, malware and security updates.

“It should just work,” said Google.

Google already has an operating system for mobile phones called Android which can also be used to run on netbooks. Google Chrome OS will be aimed not just at laptops but also at desktops for those who spend a lot of time on the web.

‘Truly competitive’

The announcement could dramatically change the market for operating systems, especially for Microsoft, the biggest player with around 90% share.

“This announcement is huge,” said Rob Enderle, industry watcher and president of the Enderle Group.

“This is the first time we have had a truly competitive OS on the market in years. This is potentially disruptive and is the first real attempt by anyone to go after Microsoft.

“Google is coming at this fresh and, because it is based on a set of services that reside on the web, it is the first really post-web operating system, designed from the ground up, and reconceived for a web world,” Mr Enderle told the BBC.

It’s a few hours since Google used its company blog to announce its entry into the operating systems market, and already opinion is strongly divided
Rory Cellan-Jones
BBC’s technology correspondent

Last year Google launched the Chrome browser, which it said was designed for “people who live on the web – searching for information, checking e-mail, catching up on the news, shopping or just staying in touch with friends”.

Stephen Shankland at CNET said the move had widespread implications.

“One is that it shows just how serious Google is about making the web into a foundation not just for static pages but for active applications, notably its own such as Google Docs and G-mail.

“Another, it opens new competition with Microsoft and, potentially, a new reason for anti-trust regulators to pay close attention to Google’s moves.”

Some commentators said Google’s motivation in all this was pretty clear.

“One of Google’s major goals is to take Microsoft out, to systematically destroy their hold on the market,” said Mr Enderle.

“Google wants to eliminate Microsoft and it’s a unique battle. The strategy is good. The big question is, will it work?”

At the popular blog, TechCrunch, MG Siegler said: “Let’s be clear on what this really is. This is Google dropping the mother of all bombs on its rival, Microsoft.”

Microsoft releases Windows 7 later this year to replace Windows Vista and Windows XP, which is eight years old.

The Redmond-based company claims that 96% of netbooks run Windows to date.

Out of beta

In a separate announcement Google also revealed that many of its most popular applications had finally moved out of trial, or beta, phase.

Gmail, for example, has worn the beta tag for five years.

“We realise this situation puzzles some people, particularly those who subscribe to the traditional definition of beta software as being not yet ready for prime time,” wrote Matthew Glotzbach, the director of product management in the official Google blog.

The decision to ditch the beta tag was taken because the apps had finally reached the “high bar” mark, he wrote.

More than 1.75 million companies use Google apps, according to the firm.

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